When the Custodians of Adat Pushed Back

On 19 April, Negeri Sembilan and the rest of Malaysia were stunned by an extraordinary announcement.

The Undang Yang Empat declared that Tuanku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir, the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, had been removed from the throne.

In the same announcement, they named Tunku Dato’ Seri Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tunku Ja’afar as the 12th Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan.

To many Malaysians unfamiliar with the unique adat and monarchical structure of Negeri Sembilan, the move may have appeared strange, shocking, or even disrespectful to the palace.

But Negeri Sembilan is not like the other Malay monarchies.

In this state, the ruler, formally known as the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, does not automatically inherit the throne from father to son. Nor is the successor simply named by the reigning ruler.

Historically and constitutionally, the Yang di-Pertuan Besar is chosen by the Undang Yang Empat from among eligible royal lineage.

This is what makes the Seri Menanti throne unique. It is not merely a monarchy of bloodline. It is also a monarchy of adat selection, rooted in the consent and authority of the Undang Yang Empat.

This principle was clearly seen in December 2008, following the demise of Tuanku Ja’afar ibni Almarhum Tuanku Abdul Rahman.

At that time, four names were considered: Tunku Muhriz ibni Almarhum Tuanku Munawir, Tunku Naquiyuddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar, Tunku Imran ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar and Tunku Nadzaruddin ibni Almarhum Tuanku Ja’afar.

The Undang Yang Empat eventually chose Tunku Muhriz as the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, even though he was not the son of the ruler who had just passed away.

That decision reflected a central principle of Negeri Sembilan’s adat system: the Seri Menanti throne does not necessarily pass directly to the son of the preceding ruler. It depends on the decision of the Undang Yang Empat.

In 1967, when Almarhum Tuanku Munawir passed away, Tuanku Muhriz was not chosen. Instead, the Undang Yang Empat selected Tuanku Ja’afar as the 10th Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

Therefore, the action taken by the Undang Yang Empat on 19 April cannot be read simplistically as an act of rebellion or disrespect against the palace.

It must be understood within the larger framework of Negeri Sembilan’s adat system, where the Undang Yang Empat are not ceremonial figures, but a determining institution at the heart of the ruler’s legitimacy.

Ironically, the same institution that paved the way for Tuanku Muhriz’s proclamation as the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar in 2008 has now become the institution challenging his position.

The Undang Yang Empat and the legitimacy of Seri Menanti

In Negeri Sembilan, the Undang Yang Empat are not merely traditional chiefs or ceremonial dignitaries.

Their position is recognised under the Laws of the Constitution of Negeri Sembilan 1959, particularly in matters concerning the selection, position and legitimacy of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

Clause 10 of the state constitution is central to understanding this position.

It provides for the authority of the Undang Yang Empat in relation to the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, including circumstances in which they may consider the ruler no longer fit to hold office.

This makes the position of the Undang Yang Empat fundamentally different from ordinary adat chiefs.

They are not only heads of their respective luak. They are also a constitutional adat institution with a direct role in determining the position of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

Beyond the Undang Yang Empat, the Tunku Besar Tampin also holds an important position within the constitutional and adat structure of Negeri Sembilan.

He is not one of the Undang Yang Empat, but in the state’s adat hierarchy, the Tunku Besar Tampin is often regarded as one of the principal dignitaries standing alongside the four Undangs.

In adat terms, he is often seen as the fifth major dignitary, although his position differs from that of the Undang Yang Empat, who possess the authority to choose the Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

The Tunku Besar Tampin is also a member of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang of Negeri Sembilan.

His position is significant because he is involved in the assent process for state laws.

In the gazettement of Negeri Sembilan enactments, the wording of assent commonly refers to the approval of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar together with the Undang Yang Empat and the Tunku or Tengku Besar Tampin.

This shows that the Tunku Besar Tampin is not merely a ceremonial figure. He is part of the broader constitutional structure of assent in the state.

The Dewan Keadilan dan Undang is another important institution in Negeri Sembilan.

It brings together the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, the Undang Yang Empat and key adat dignitaries of the state.

Apart from the Undang Yang Empat and the Tunku Besar Tampin, the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang also includes the Dato’ Shahbandar of Sungai Ujong.

The Dato’ Shahbandar is not one of the Undang Yang Empat, but he is an important adat dignitary within Luak Sungai Ujong and holds a recognised place in the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

The Dewan also includes the Tunku Besar Seri Menanti.

At present, that position is held by Tunku Ali Redhauddin ibni Tuanku Muhriz, the son of Tuanku Muhriz.

This structure shows that Negeri Sembilan’s adat system is not centred solely on the Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

It also includes the Undang Yang Empat, the Tunku Besar Tampin, the Tunku Besar Seri Menanti, the Dato’ Shahbandar and other adat stakeholders recognised within the state structure.

In other words, Negeri Sembilan does not place all adat and constitutional authority in one institution alone.

It is built on a balance between Istana Seri Menanti, the Undang Yang Empat and the principal adat dignitaries recognised by the state.

That is why, when the Undang Yang Empat and the Tunku Besar Tampin take a position in a state crisis, it cannot be dismissed as a mere adat protest.

It involves stakeholders who have recognised standing within the constitutional and adat order of Negeri Sembilan.

When the authority of the Undangs was challenged

From the text of Clause 10 of the Laws of the Constitution of Negeri Sembilan 1959, the power of the Undang Yang Empat to act in relation to the position of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar exists and cannot simply be brushed aside.

The clause provides for circumstances in which the Undang Yang Empat may act against the Yang di-Pertuan Besar, including where they consider the ruler no longer fit to hold office.

Such a provision gives considerable room to the judgment of the Undang Yang Empat.

It also shows that, in Negeri Sembilan’s system, the position of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar does not stand absolutely without adat checks and balances.

The ruler is chosen by the Undang Yang Empat, and under certain circumstances, his position may also be questioned by the same institution.

For that reason, the action taken by the Undang Yang Empat on 19 April cannot be dismissed as baseless.

If Tuanku Muhriz wishes to challenge the action in court, that is his right.

But the position of the Menteri Besar, Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun, is different.

The Menteri Besar is the head of the state executive. He is not the authority vested with discretion to decide whether a decision of the Undang Yang Empat under Clause 10 should be accepted or rejected.

In a constitutional system, the role of the state executive should be to carry out the administrative process arising from a decision made by the competent institution.

Therefore, rejecting the proclamation of the Undang Yang Empat by making the status of Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak the central basis of rejection reflects a flawed understanding of the state constitution.

In his statement dated 20 April 2026, Aminuddin said the act of signing and reading out the proclamation removing Tuanku Muhriz was invalid and not recognised by the state government.

The reason given was that Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak, according to him, no longer had the authority and function of the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

He also said the action was not in line with Articles 10 to 12 of the Laws of the Constitution of Negeri Sembilan 1959.

That statement essentially attempted to frame the 19 April proclamation as the act of one individual whose position was being disputed: the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

But that framing is incomplete.

The proclamation was not made by Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak alone.

It was made collectively by the Undang Yang Empat.

The position was also supported by the Tunku Besar Tampin, a principal dignitary long seen as close to the family of Tuanku Muhriz.

He is a member of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang and a key stakeholder in the adat and constitutional structure of Negeri Sembilan.

The decision was also seen to have the support of Dato’ Shahbandar Sungai Ujong, another adat dignitary and member of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

This indicates that a large part, if not almost the entirety, of Negeri Sembilan’s principal adat establishment was no longer aligned with the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar.

With the support of the Undang Yang Empat, the Tunku Besar Tampin and the Dato’ Shahbandar, the crisis cannot be narrowed down to an act of revenge by the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

Any challenge to the proclamation must be answered on the basis of Clause 10 and the position of the Undang Yang Empat under the state constitution.

It is not enough to attack the legitimacy of one Undang alone.

Moreover, for the state executive to openly attack the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong can be seen as improper within the adat culture of Negeri Sembilan.

The Rembau question

Many have viewed the action of the Undang Yang Empat on 19 April as a reaction by the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong to the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang decision said to have ended his position.

That is not correct.

The crisis of trust between the Undang institution and Istana Seri Menanti is believed to have begun earlier.

Although there are other matters circulating among adat circles, the writer does not intend to raise issues that are not already within public knowledge.

One clearer source of tension was the palace’s attitude towards the appointment of the Undang Luak Rembau.

Datuk Sedia Raja Abd Rahim Yassin was proclaimed as the 22nd Undang Luak Rembau in 2024 and underwent the Istiadat Kerjan as holder of the pusaka.

However, the Istiadat Menyalang, which requires the assent of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, is said to have remained incomplete despite being postponed several times.

Among the Undang Yang Empat, the failure to complete the Istiadat Menyalang for the Undang Luak Rembau was seen as an indication that the palace did not consent to, or was not pleased with, the position of Abd Rahim Yassin as Undang Luak Rembau.

It was also seen as a way of delaying the entry of the Undang Luak Rembau into official state ceremonies and the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

This raised questions over the palace’s recognition of an Undang who had already been proclaimed according to the adat of his luak.

The belief among state adat dignitaries was that the palace was attempting to weaken the power and influence of the Undangs.

The final nail

While the issue of the Undang Luak Rembau remained unresolved, Istana Seri Menanti again came under scrutiny when action emerged to remove Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak as Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

That action was disputed by the Undang Yang Empat, the Tunku Besar Tampin and the Dato’ Shahbandar Sungai Ujong.

One major issue concerned the background of the parties linked to the complaint against the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

According to a SuaraTV report dated 21 April 2026, Balai YTM Undang Luak Sungai Ujong alleged that the individual referred to as Ibu Soko, Sarifah Norzaidah Al Qadri, had a direct link to Wan Khairil Adli Mohd Yusoff.

Wan Khairil Adli was one of two former holders of adat positions who were allegedly removed earlier.

The other was Zainol Ariffin Ibrahim.

According to the same report, both had previously been legitimate Dato-Dato Lembaga Adat Sungai Ujong and had received waris allowances.

However, they were later alleged to have established the “Majlis Dato-Dato Lembaga Adat Sungai Ujong” without the knowledge, blessing and consent of YTM Dato’ Klana Petra.

Balai YTM Undang Luak Sungai Ujong also alleged that the name of the council was used to apply for government funds for personal purposes without audit, including through the use of the name of the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

The allegation was said to have surfaced after the Balai was contacted over financial reporting involving contributions allegedly channelled by Transport Minister Anthony Loke and the Negeri Sembilan Museum Board.

This background matters because it raises questions about the credibility of those who moved against the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

Apart from the issue of the complainant, the process against Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak was also disputed.

He was allegedly not called to answer the charges before his position was announced as having been terminated.

The Dewan Keadilan dan Undang sitting linked to the decision also raised questions over attendance and consent among its members.

According to information close to state dignitaries, and the writer remains open to any denial, the position of members in that sitting was as follows:

The Undang Luak Johol was present and objected.

The Undang Luak Jelebu was absent due to short notice.

The Undang Luak Sungai Ujong was not invited.

The Undang Luak Rembau was not invited.

The Tunku Besar Tampin was present and objected.

The Dato’ Shahbandar Sungai Ujong was present and objected.

The Tunku Besar Seri Menanti, Tunku Ali Redhauddin ibni Tuanku Muhriz, supported the motion.

The Undang Luak Rembau was allegedly not invited because his position had yet to be completed through the Istiadat Menyalang, even though he had been proclaimed as the 22nd Undang Luak Rembau since 2024.

The Undang Luak Jelebu was said to be absent because he only received the invitation one day before the meeting.

If this information is accurate, only two parties supported the motion: the Yang di-Pertuan Besar and the Tunku Besar Seri Menanti.

By contrast, the Undang Luak Johol, the Tunku Besar Tampin and the Dato’ Shahbandar Sungai Ujong, all of whom were present, are said to have objected.

In those circumstances, the decision to terminate the position of the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong is difficult to view as a collective decision of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang.

Yet the Menteri Besar still announced that Datuk Klana Petra Dato’ Mubarak Dohak had been removed as Undang Luak Sungai Ujong.

This made the crisis even more serious.

In the case of the Undang Luak Rembau, the recognition of an Undang who had already been proclaimed was allegedly delayed through the failure to complete the Istiadat Menyalang.

In the case of the Undang Luak Sungai Ujong, the position of an Undang was allegedly terminated through a process disputed on several grounds: the credibility of the complainant, the right to answer allegations, the attendance of Dewan Keadilan dan Undang members and whether there was genuine consent in the sitting.

Conclusion

These two episodes explain why the crisis over the removal of the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar should not be seen as an attack by the Undangs against the palace.

From the perspective of the Undang Yang Empat, it was a response to defend the adat institutions of Negeri Sembilan.

It came after several developments that were seen as challenging the position and influence of the Undang institution within the state’s adat system.

Therefore, while some may view the proclamation removing the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar as an excessive act by the Undang Yang Empat, the Undangs see it as a response to developments that allegedly challenged the position and legitimacy of their institution.

For the Undang Yang Empat, both the ruler and the Menteri Besar had failed to preserve the sanctity of Negeri Sembilan’s adat and had challenged the standing and legitimacy of the Undang institution.

In their view, if Istana Seri Menanti is no longer seen as preserving the balance of adat and respecting the position of the Undang Yang Empat, then the position of the 11th Yang di-Pertuan Besar can legitimately be questioned under the space provided by Clause 10 of the Laws of the Constitution of Negeri Sembilan.

 

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